why are girls abandoed in china

If you interested this link has some interesting thoughts ...

http://research-china.blogspot.com/2005/10/why-girls-are-abandoned-in-china.html

As adoptive parents, we often wonder what motivated the birth parents of our children to abandon them. In the course of my research, I have asked the opinion of scores of couples, orphanage directors, taxi drivers, and anyone else that I think might have an idea of why they feel it is happening. One common answer emerges, although the problem is admittedly complex.

In addition to providing family planning counseling, the local Family Planning offices are responsible for promulgating the “one-child” policy to the citizens of their jurisdiction. Public billboards promoting the policy are ubiquitous in China’s countryside. Although the billboards, wall murals, and hillside slogans generally promote the one-child policy, frequently they also address the issue of female abandonment. A survey of these specific messages provides one with an idea of what the local officials feel are the main reasons for child abandonment. Combining the themes of the family planning propaganda with the anecdotal evidence collected from average citizens, a clear hierarchy of reasons for abandonment emerges.

It is important to keep a few things in mind when drawing assumptions regarding this topic. First, the economic situation is changing rapidly in China. Twenty years ago, economic pressures relating to having a second child (medical attention, schooling expenses, governmental fines imposed for second children) were much different than today. Most families have seen their incomes increase dramatically in the last 10 years, even in the rural countryside. Increased economic opportunities have dramatically altered the intrinsic worth of girls in China also.


Second, societal attitudes are also changing. As China embraces Western culture, what I term "Chinese traditionalism" is on a decrease. Especially among the youth and young adults, strict observance of Chinese tradition is waning. Cultural biases are also changing, and this has dramatic implications when it comes to attitudes about girls.

Thus, we must be careful when looking at statistics and anecdotal evidence from the 80s and 90s. My observations are limited to conditions and attitudes today, and might not be applicable to conditions and motivations prominent ten or more years ago.

The Family Planning propaganda regarding abandonment is almost universal in it’s message: “Boy or girl, it is the same -- Both can carry on the family name.” This message is by far the most prominent when one studies the “official” message from the Chinese government.

It is important to realize that in China a woman doesn’t change her name when she marries. The issue of passing on the family names relates to the children that the married couple will have. In almost all situations, the children of a married couple will be known by, and will carry, the family name of the father.

In discussing this topic with young marrieds, I have yet to find a young husband or wife that feels the family name is important enough to abandon their daughter. When I ask if their parents feel similarly, I often discover that the attitudes of the older generation are not the same. In fact, especially among the paternal grandparents, the desire to have a male child to continue the family name is most strong. Interviews with many couples convince me that the primary pressure to abandon originates with the parents of the father.


This conclusion is re-enforced by the Family Planning propaganda, as well as anecdotal evidence from international adoptions. The example of the family planning mural I saw in Lianjiang, Guangdong Province (see above) clearly illustrates the problem of grand-parent attitudes towards female children. Thus, it is probable that the Family Planning messages are aimed primarily at the grand-parents in China, not the parents themselves. In my discussions with many young parents, I see very little preference for boy children.

When analyzing the finding ads from the various orphanages in China, a trend emerges: fewer and fewer girls are being found. This trend is almost universal across China, with a few exceptions.

It is of course dangerous to stereotype the multitude of reasons why a family might decide it in the best interest to abandon their daughter. As with any situation, each family is unique in their economic, cultural and familial standing. But broad generalizations can nevertheless be made. Minority factors include a complete lack of medical insurance among China's poorest families, resulting in wanted children being abandoned due to perceived or actual medical conditions. Lack of financial resources to educate register (government imposed fees) and educate a child certainly play an important role. Bossen speculates that China's rural land policies play an important role in female abandonment. This governmental policy gives rural families an additional acre of farm land in their village when a child is born. If that child is a boy, stewardship of the land falls to the male child when they marry; it reverts back to the government when the female child marries. The purpose of this policy is to encourage inter-generational stability in the rural villages, and to discourage the migration of families into the urban areas. I have found no families or individuals, however, that have even considered China's land policy in conjunction with family size or make-up.

One point Bossen makes, and with which I agree with, is the misperception we have that the rural farmers in China need a son to farm the land. This is simply not the case. Women today work the farms alongside their husbands or fathers. In addition, China's growing industrial manufacturing base has brought substantial opportunity to women in the countryside. The economic value of male and female children has shrunk considerably in the last 20 years.

In summary: My experiences in researching in China has led me to the conclusion that the primary force behind the problem of female abandonment is pressure brought to bear on the parents by the grandparents, usually from the father's side. Although other factors certainly play a role, they are secondary to "China traditionalism", the belief among older Chinese in the importance of passing on the family line through male children. As the traditionalist grandparent population continues to decline, pressure to abandon will also decline, resulting in fewer and fewer found girls.

China Adoption Program

Intercountry adoptions started in the People Republic of China (PRC) in around 1988. The USA immigration records show that 12 adoption of children from China occured that year. Historically adoption has been somewhat of a taboo subject in China, and subsequently the fist Chinese Adoption Legislation was passed only in April 1992. Since then the intercountry adoption program has grown considerably. During the fiscal year of 2005, the US department of state reported that 7906 America Immigration Visa's were processed for orphaned children being adopted by America Families. In Australia, during the 2004/2005 finical year, a record of 434 intercountry adoptions occurred, including the adoption of the 140 children from China.

The one child poly has a direct influence on the numbers of children abandoned in the PRC. The policy varies from province to province. However, it is reasonable to say that in the major cities it is strcilty observed. In some provinces families are allowed two children and in others families may have girls until the first son is born. This results combined with a cultural preference to have a son and to maintain bloodlines means that many children are abandoned at birth-mainly girls or children with a disability. Children born out of wedlock or from parents with social/ and or mental health issues are also likely to be placed fro adoption.

There are various figures given out of the number in institutions in the PRC. The China Centre for Adoptipn Affairs (CCAA) indicate that the majority (90%) of children in children's welfare institutions have a disability and are not placed for adoption. Many families in the PRC pay for their disabled children to be cared for by the children's welfare institutions.

Some domestic adoptions are done in the PRC. Recent changes to Chinese adoption law make it easier for domestic adoptions to occur. The CCAA believe number of domestic adoptions will increase in the future. It is difficult to establish reliable statistics for domestic adoption in China, however various sources state that domestic adtopion levels are currently equal to Intercountry Adoption levels, and that the PRC aim toward undertaking 8 domestic adoption to each international adoption.

The PRC is sensitive about public criticism of their management of children's welfare institutions. The screening of a 60 minutes program in 1995 and a report on the Shanghai Children Welfare institutions being closed to foreigners. Conditions in orphanges are reported to have improved significantly over the past decade, although the standard of care across welfare institutions varies quiet badly in line with regional wealth and poverty.

According to Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW) nations wide:
2000 to 20001 there were 15 children adopted from China (1 male and 14 females)
2001 to 2002 there were 39
2002 to 2003 there were 46 children
2003/2004 there were 112 children adopted from China.
2004/2005 There were 110

There have been a small number of boys placed with Australia Adoptive Parent, but the majority of children requiring adoption are girls. In 2006 CCAA advised that they have very limited need for placements for health children ageed 2-6years. Currently CCAA will only consider adoption applicants approved to provide homes for health childre aged 2 years and under,older children (+6, and special needs children.

For Australia Statistics oand Information on Intercountry adoption log onto the Australia Insitute of Health and Welfare website : http://www.aihw.gov.au/

Intercountry Adoption

The concept of intercountry adoption has it's origin in the aftermath of World Wars, but particular after World War II, when the disruption of families in war-torn countries resulted in large number of abandoned and ophaned children. Children from Germany, Greece and the Baltic States were sent by religious organisations for adoption in other European countries and in the USA.

From 1953 large numbers of orphaned or abandoned children from the Korean war were adopted overseas. In Australia, however, intercountry adoption is a realtively recent practice; prior to 1975 there were few intercountry adoptions. It only became a recognised avenue of adoption following the airlift in 1975 of Vietnamese war orphans. Since then adoption of children from Aisa and Latin America has become well established in Australia.

Intercountry adoption has endured as a response to the needs of children orphaned abandoned or reliquished because of military confilict, poverty and political policy, and stigmas attached to illegitimacy, disablement and mixed race.

Since the 1970''s momentum has overtaken the orginial impetus for intercountry adoption. Econimic, demographic, cultural and political changes in Australia in the past thirty years have resulted in fewer unwanted births and less pressure to reliquish ex-nuptual children for adoption. Additionally, social changes have lead to many people waiting later in life to begin establishing their family, and consequently, infertility is increasing and being discovered at a later age.

The two-fold effect of these factors is a marked decrease in the number of Australian born children for adoption and a significant increase in the number of people wanting to adopt. As a result, increasing numbers of couples and indivduial have turned to intercountry adoption to begin a family or extend their families.

It can be seen, that intercountry adoption is a shifting, evloving phenomenon, responding to both domestic and interenational forces.

Intercountry adoption is a sensitive complex area of adoption. It involves all the issues relating to domestic adoptions as well as a range of other issues. More over, it involves Australian imigration law and policy, the laws and policies of the overseas countries and obligations under international conventions.

Because the children are bing placed internationally and almost always interacially, issues relating to cultural heritage arise. Many of the childrem including babies, are likely to be physically and/or emotionally vulnerable because of early physical and/or emotional deprivation. Some children have "special neds" because they are older and /or have disabilities.

Itercountry adoption has frequently been been associated with intense contravery. At one end of the spectrum , there is a view that it is a form of exploitation of Third Wolrd countries by First Wolrd countries and should be discontinued. It can be argued that intercountry adoption does not provide a solution to the domestic issues leading to adoption and this situation benefits first world countries where there is a high demand for babies. The other end of the spectrun, there is a view that intercountry adoption is a humanitarin act, toward both individual children and the sending countries, and is this a form of oveseas aid; that in first world countries there are high numbers of people wanting to adopt children and it we shound encounraged to develop and expand. There are numerous intermediate positions.


RT hanks to: www.community.wa.gov.au/.../0/DCPGUIAdoptioninformationguide_china_sept2007.pdf